QUIZ – 2016: Insights Current Affairs Quiz – 6 December, 2016
QUIZ – 2016: Insights Current Affairs Quiz
Clarifications:
Question 4, 26th November Quiz (Click HERE): Regarding Google XPRIZE – The statements should have been better-worded. Statement 1 is fine, statement 2 and 3 should have been – “the rover should travel five hundred metres on the surface of the moon”, and “the rover should be able to capture HD videos and images”.
The following quiz will have 5-10 MCQs . The questions are mainly framed from The Hindu and PIB news articles.
This quiz is intended to introduce you to concepts and certain important facts relevant to UPSC IAS civil services preliminary exam 2016. It is not a test of your knowledge. If you score less, please do not mind. Read again sources provided and try to remember better.
Please try to enjoy questions, discuss the concepts and facts they try to test from you and suggest improvements.
Hope you enjoy this quiz. If you like it, then please share it. Thank you.
INSIGHTS CURRENT EVENTS QUIZ 2016
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The following Quiz is based on the Hindu, PIB and other news sources. It is a current events based quiz. Solving these questions will help retain both concepts and facts relevant to UPSC IAS civil services exam.
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Question 1 of 5
1. Question
1 pointsWith reference to the Union Ministry of Human Resource Development’s National Institutional Ranking Framework (NIRF) to assign ranks to institutions of Higher Education and Research in the country – the first-round results of which were announced earlier this year – consider the following statements:
- The entire exercise is carried out largely by members from the central government institutions.
- Institutions belonging to the central, state and private systems are ranked.
- The performance index values for an institution are normalised with respect to the investments and resources that have gone into that institution.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
Correct
Solution: b.
- ‘Universities’ and ‘Engineering Institutions’: Like any ranking system, the NIRF scheme is also open to questioning and criticism, and it certainly has its share of limitations. For example, it is quite puzzling as to how institutions with a sharp focus on narrow areas like Information Technology or Space Technology have qualified to be called “universities”, whereas many institutions with a broad base in all domains of engineering, sciences and humanities are listed as “Engineering Institutions”. Also, what is the point in giving a national rank to institutions that have barely graduated three or four batches?
- Diversity of views: Perhaps a matter of far more concern is that the entire NIRF exercise was carried out largely by members from the Central government institutions; there was not much effort made to elicit views from over 90 per cent of the institutions that belong to the State system (including those in the affiliation framework).
- Performance-per-rupee-logic: There is a suggestion in the NIRF document in the context of newly emerging private institutions, “ …to see how some of these institutions would perform on ‘outputs’ and ‘outcomes’ on a per Rupee investment scale”. Surely the same performance-per-rupee logic must also apply while comparing Central and State university systems, both of which are public-funded?
- Caught in the vicious circle of low funding, poor performance, low ranks, lower funding, poorer performance, lower ranks, the State-level institutions are only going to be going down further in comparison with the Central and private universities. This would simply demoralise them as against motivating and encouraging them to do better, which is what a healthy ranking process should attempt.
- A ‘constructive solution’: It can however make sense if the performance index values for an institution are normalised with respect to the investments and resources that have gone into that institution.
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/Comparing-apples-and-oranges/article16765012.ece
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Incorrect
Solution: b.
- ‘Universities’ and ‘Engineering Institutions’: Like any ranking system, the NIRF scheme is also open to questioning and criticism, and it certainly has its share of limitations. For example, it is quite puzzling as to how institutions with a sharp focus on narrow areas like Information Technology or Space Technology have qualified to be called “universities”, whereas many institutions with a broad base in all domains of engineering, sciences and humanities are listed as “Engineering Institutions”. Also, what is the point in giving a national rank to institutions that have barely graduated three or four batches?
- Diversity of views: Perhaps a matter of far more concern is that the entire NIRF exercise was carried out largely by members from the Central government institutions; there was not much effort made to elicit views from over 90 per cent of the institutions that belong to the State system (including those in the affiliation framework).
- Performance-per-rupee-logic: There is a suggestion in the NIRF document in the context of newly emerging private institutions, “ …to see how some of these institutions would perform on ‘outputs’ and ‘outcomes’ on a per Rupee investment scale”. Surely the same performance-per-rupee logic must also apply while comparing Central and State university systems, both of which are public-funded?
- Caught in the vicious circle of low funding, poor performance, low ranks, lower funding, poorer performance, lower ranks, the State-level institutions are only going to be going down further in comparison with the Central and private universities. This would simply demoralise them as against motivating and encouraging them to do better, which is what a healthy ranking process should attempt.
- A ‘constructive solution’: It can however make sense if the performance index values for an institution are normalised with respect to the investments and resources that have gone into that institution.
http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/Comparing-apples-and-oranges/article16765012.ece
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Question 2 of 5
2. Question
1 pointsConsider the following statements:
- The United Nations (UN) Refugee Convention 1951 does not grant rights to people fleeing environmental disasters.
- Indian non-party to the 1951 Refugee Convention prevents the UN High Commissioner for Refugees from setting up office in India.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
Correct
Solution: d.
- The UNHCR runs an office in New Delhi along with certain field units too (ex: Chennai). Indian non-party to the 1951 refugee convention does not bar the UNHCR from carrying out work in India.
- The UN Refugee Convention (1951) grants certain rights to people fleeing persecution because of race, religion, nationality, affiliation to a particular social group, or political opinion. The rights they are entitled to follow principles of non-discrimination, non-penalisation, and non-refoulement. However, people migrating due to environmental disasters have no such recognition of their ‘refugee’ status in international law, leaving them without any basic rights of rehabilitation and compensation.
Improvisation: http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/The-nowhere-people/article16765025.ece
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Incorrect
Solution: d.
- The UNHCR runs an office in New Delhi along with certain field units too (ex: Chennai). Indian non-party to the 1951 refugee convention does not bar the UNHCR from carrying out work in India.
- The UN Refugee Convention (1951) grants certain rights to people fleeing persecution because of race, religion, nationality, affiliation to a particular social group, or political opinion. The rights they are entitled to follow principles of non-discrimination, non-penalisation, and non-refoulement. However, people migrating due to environmental disasters have no such recognition of their ‘refugee’ status in international law, leaving them without any basic rights of rehabilitation and compensation.
Improvisation: http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/The-nowhere-people/article16765025.ece
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Question 3 of 5
3. Question
1 pointsItalians recently rejected constitutional reforms proposed by their Prime Minister. In this context, which of the following comparisons between the Indian and Italian constitutional schemes is/are correct?
- Whereas the Senate of the Republic has the right to hold votes of no-confidence, the Rajya Sabha does not.
- Members of both houses of the Italian Parliament are directly elected every five years, unlike in the case of India.
Select the correct answer using the code given below:
Correct
Solution: c.
Both questions based on the Senate of the Republic of France (because the Italian PM who recently resigned, did so as he sought to reduce the powers of the Senate – so that there could be greater stability and speed in decision-making – but this proposal, when put to vote, was rejected by Italians). Statement 1 related to point 3 in the infographic.
For more information related to point 4 (regarding elections to senate) of the infographic (need not be read in detail; a brief glance will suffice): Wikipedia;
Source: The Hindu;
Incorrect
Solution: c.
Both questions based on the Senate of the Republic of France (because the Italian PM who recently resigned, did so as he sought to reduce the powers of the Senate – so that there could be greater stability and speed in decision-making – but this proposal, when put to vote, was rejected by Italians). Statement 1 related to point 3 in the infographic.
For more information related to point 4 (regarding elections to senate) of the infographic (need not be read in detail; a brief glance will suffice): Wikipedia;
Source: The Hindu;
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Question 4 of 5
4. Question
1 pointsRecently, the president of Taiwan spoke to the US President-elect in a phone call, in what was a break with US policy set in 1979 when formal relations were cut. Which among the following statements is correct?
Correct
Solution: a.
- BBC: Over the last two decades, India-Taiwan relations have progressed considerably despite not having diplomatic status to their ties. Their trade and economic contacts have improved. Taiwanese investments have been promoted in India and educational linkages have also expanded between the two. Although because of the constraints of one-China policy the two sides do not have diplomatic ties, their bilateral working relations have always generated a political context. Political leaders from both sides have intermittently visited each other. This exchange of visits, growth in trade and economic contacts and expanding educational contacts point to the upward trend in their engagement.
- China’s ‘One China’ Policy: China’s insistence that countries establishing formal diplomatic relations with it endorse a “One China” stance has been critical to Beijing’s foreign policy. The policy refers to the position that states conducting bilateral diplomacy with the People’s Republic of China (or conversely the Republic of China) acknowledge the existence of one state called “China.” Simply put, pick one: Beijing or Taipei. India, for its part, maintains formal diplomatic relations with Beijing and not Taipei, but has been hesitant to symbolically support the notion of “One China.” Normally, Beijing is highly sensitive to this issue
Source (Huge report, released early 2016; we are just providing the link, no need to glance through it either, unless India-Taiwan relations related issue appears in the news): IDSA Report;
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Improvisation: The Hindu;
Incorrect
Solution: a.
- BBC: Over the last two decades, India-Taiwan relations have progressed considerably despite not having diplomatic status to their ties. Their trade and economic contacts have improved. Taiwanese investments have been promoted in India and educational linkages have also expanded between the two. Although because of the constraints of one-China policy the two sides do not have diplomatic ties, their bilateral working relations have always generated a political context. Political leaders from both sides have intermittently visited each other. This exchange of visits, growth in trade and economic contacts and expanding educational contacts point to the upward trend in their engagement.
- China’s ‘One China’ Policy: China’s insistence that countries establishing formal diplomatic relations with it endorse a “One China” stance has been critical to Beijing’s foreign policy. The policy refers to the position that states conducting bilateral diplomacy with the People’s Republic of China (or conversely the Republic of China) acknowledge the existence of one state called “China.” Simply put, pick one: Beijing or Taipei. India, for its part, maintains formal diplomatic relations with Beijing and not Taipei, but has been hesitant to symbolically support the notion of “One China.” Normally, Beijing is highly sensitive to this issue
Source (Huge report, released early 2016; we are just providing the link, no need to glance through it either, unless India-Taiwan relations related issue appears in the news): IDSA Report;
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Improvisation: The Hindu;
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Question 5 of 5
5. Question
1 pointsThe ‘Sunflower Movement’ of 2014 was associated with which of the following?
Correct
Solution: b.
A controversial trade agreement sparked the “Sunflower Movement” in 2014 where students and activists occupied Taiwan’s parliament protesting against what they call China’s growing influence over Taiwan.
Improvisation: BBC;:
Incorrect
Solution: b.
A controversial trade agreement sparked the “Sunflower Movement” in 2014 where students and activists occupied Taiwan’s parliament protesting against what they call China’s growing influence over Taiwan.
Improvisation: BBC;:
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